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  2. Documents, Volume 6, Part 3 Introduction: 4 November 1838–16 April 1839

Part 3: 4 November 1838–16 April 1839

Part 3 covers JS’s time in state custody—primarily in the in , Missouri—from his arrest on 31 October 1838 to his escape on 16 April 1839. His incarceration was based on charges stemming from crimes allegedly committed during the October 1838 conflict between the and other Missourians.
In mid-September 1838, Brigadier General and his militia troops successfully disbanded and dispersed vigilantes in , Missouri. However, under the leadership of William Austin, the vigilantes refocused their efforts on the small Mormon settlement at , Carroll County, Missouri. In late September, the vigilantes announced that the Saints had until 1 October to leave De Witt. Unwilling to abandon their property, the Saints endured a ten-day siege in early October, under the leadership of church member and colonel . During the siege, JS traveled from , Missouri, to De Witt to rally church members. Ultimately, civil and militia authorities refused to intervene, and the outnumbered Saints had little choice but to evacuate the town and relocate to Far West. During the journey, at least two female church members died and were buried in unmarked graves.
Emboldened by this victory, the anti-Mormon vigilantes acquired a cannon and moved their operations back to , hoping to drive out the Saints living there. JS and other church leaders determined that the failure of state authorities to protect the Saints necessitated aggressive self-defense. On 16 October, about three hundred Latter-day Saint men from marched to . Over the next few weeks, Latter-day Saints and anti-Mormons engaged in vigilante actions in the absence of civil and militia responses to the rising tensions. According to , the Mormon vigilantes intended “to fall upon and scatter the mob wherever they could find them collected” and “to destroy those places that harbored them.” On 18 October, , an and a member of the pro tempore , led a targeted raid on , the county seat. , a member of the Adam-ondi-Ahman presidency and a veteran of the War of 1812, directed a similar raid on . , a who served in the War of 1812, led a third raid on Grindstone Fork. The Mormon forces dispersed the anti-Mormons, destroyed buildings—including a store, a mill, and several houses—and confiscated property as wartime appropriations. JS reportedly sent a letter to announcing the Saints’ victory. A few days later, Patten and his men secured the cannon that their enemies had brought to Daviess County. , president of the Adam-ondi-Ahman stake, noted in his journal on 22 October that “we have Driven most of the enemy out of the co[unty].”
JS and the other men returned to on 22 October. For the remainder of the month, chaos reigned in , with both Mormons and anti-Mormons burning homes and confiscating property. Latter-day Saint recalled, “It should not be supposed because we sought to repel mob violence and were compelled to forage for food when hemmed in on all sides by a mob who had driven us from homes . . . that we were common robbers because we took as by reprisal with which to keep from starvation our women and children. Ours was a struggle for our lives and homes; and a more conscientious, noble, and patriotic spirit never enthused man than that which animated our leaders in this just defense of our rights.” Meanwhile, anti-Mormon vigilantes under the command of , operating out of neighboring counties, led targeted strikes on Mormon homes in outlying areas of Daviess County, taking prisoners, burning buildings, and confiscating goods.
Reports of Latter-day Saint military operations spread quickly throughout northwestern . Several non-Mormon eyewitnesses prepared affidavits on 21 and 22 October, describing what they had seen. Likewise, apostles and , who had recently defected from the church because they opposed the preemptive strikes in , described the military operations in an affidavit prepared on 24 October in , Ray County, Missouri. These affidavits were forwarded to Missouri governor , and the information contained in them was circulated in the press.
Anticipating a prolonged conflict, JS and other Latter-day Saint leaders prepared to be the “head quarters of the Mormon war,” as church member described it. These preparations included engaging the “armies of Isreal” in drills and forming special companies to build new cabins, gather food and wood, monitor the movements of anti-Mormon vigilantes, and assist families living outside of Far West to move to the city. Rockwood wrote that these companies were “called because the Prophet Daniel has said they shall take the kingdom and possess it for-ever.” At a meeting held at the home of on 24 October, the command structure for the Mormon forces was solidified. and would command the infantry and cavalry, respectively, in , while and would perform the same duties in . Wight, Brunson, and Patten had led the targeted strikes in Daviess County on 18 October, while Hinkle was the commanding colonel of the Caldwell County regiment of the state militia.
In late October, non-Mormon vigilantes targeted church members living near the borders of . Ostensibly fearing a Mormon invasion of , Captain of the state militia sought and received authorization “to range the line between Caldwell & Ray County.” The militiamen exceeded this authorization, harassing church members living near the border between Caldwell and Ray counties, burning at least one Latter-day Saint cabin, and capturing three Mormon men—Addison Greene, Nathan Pinkham Jr., and William Seely, two of whom were probably scouts. , apparently operating under the commission he received the day before to command cavalry in Caldwell County, led a contingent of about sixty Mormon cavalry to rescue the prisoners. At dawn on 25 October, Patten’s men exchanged gunfire with Bogart’s company of thirty-five men near , two miles south of the Caldwell County border, resulting in the deaths of three Latter-day Saints—Patten, , and —as well as Missourian Moses Rowland. On 30 October, more than two hundred anti-Mormon vigilantes attacked the settlement at in eastern Caldwell County, where approximately thirty Latter-day Saint families had gathered. The vigilantes, many of whom were members of the and county militias operating without authorization from their superior officers, apparently instigated the attack in retaliation for the Mormon military operations in Daviess County earlier in the month. As women and children fled the mill amidst gunfire, at least one woman was injured in the hand. Latter-day Saint men and some boys assumed a defensive position in an unfinished blacksmith shop, which quickly turned into a death trap. The vigilantes killed—in some cases, brutally—ten Latter-day Saint men and boys and fatally injured seven others. Another thirteen men and boys were wounded. None of the vigilantes were killed. In the wake of the killings, the survivors interred the dead in a nearby well, which became a mass grave.
On 27 October, in response to exaggerated reports of the Saints’ operations and the engagement, issued an order accusing church members of being “in the attitude of an open and avowed defiance of the laws,” of waging “war upon the people of this ,” and of committing “outrages . . . beyond all description.” Claiming that “the Mormons must be treated as enemies and must be exterminated or driven from the state if necessary,” Boggs ordered the state militia to “operate against the Mormons.” Major General assembled eighteen hundred troops in and on 30 October established his headquarters approximately one mile south of . The following day, Lucas met with and a delegation of Saints, presenting conditions for peacefully resolving the crisis: JS and several other church leaders were required to submit to arrest and prosecution. The Mormon participants in the conflict were required to surrender their weapons and sign over their property to pay for debts they owed to other Missourians and for the damages incurred during the conflict. Further, all Latter-day Saints were required to leave the state.
Upon the delegates’ return to , they presented JS and other church leaders with a copy of ’s 27 October 1838 order. According to , then informed the church leaders that “desired an interview” with JS, , Wight, , and and that they would “be released that night or the next morning early.” Evidently, the delegation did not inform JS and the others that they would be Lucas’s prisoners when they entered the camp. For his part, Lucas viewed the men as hostages to be held until Hinkle decided whether to comply with the conditions. If he did, the prisoners were to be held for trial; if he rejected the conditions, the prisoners would be released and the militia would prepare to subdue Far West by force. On 1 November, Hinkle formally accepted the terms, and Lucas paraded his captives through the streets of Far West. As several documents in part 3 attest, JS passionately argued that Hinkle and the other delegates had deceived and betrayed him. Later, in response to these accusations, Hinkle claimed he surrendered only with JS’s authorization. On the same day as the surrender, 1 November, and were arrested and confined with the other prisoners. That evening, Lucas reportedly held an ad hoc court martial in which JS and the six other Latter-day Saint prisoners were sentenced to death. Only the protest of stopped the executions from proceeding.
In and , as well as at , state militiamen and anti-Mormon vigilantes ransacked the homes of the Latter-day Saints, stole food and other property, and harassed church members. Disaffected Mormons who served as informants for the militia taunted the Saints. Former apostle ransacked JS’s home in Far West. Not long afterward, , the previous owner of the Smiths’ home, stole items from the property and expelled and her children from the premises. In the midst of the chaos, anti-Mormon men committed multiple acts of sexual violence, including rape, against Latter-day Saint women. In addition, militiamen near Far West struck Latter-day Saint William Carey’s head with a rifle, causing his death. Carey may have been the last of about forty Mormons who were killed or died from exposure during the conflict. As demonstrated in several documents in part 3, JS and other church members considered these individuals to be martyrs for the cause of .
On 2 November, JS and the other prisoners were permitted to obtain provisions and bid an emotional good-bye to their families before being taken to , Missouri. assigned Brigadier General and three hundred state militiamen from Jackson County to escort the prisoners the fifty miles to , the headquarters for the militia’s Fourth Division. Upon arriving in Independence on 4 November, the prisoners were placed first in a large and comfortable log home and subsequently at Noland’s Inn, rather than in the Jackson County jail. Five days later, Lucas moved the prisoners to , where Major General assumed custody of them, having received an order from to oversee the entire campaign to quell the Mormon “rebellion,” including through prosecuting the “ring leaders.” In Richmond, JS and his fellow prisoners were placed in chains in a vacant log house near the unfinished courthouse. Clark also confined forty-six other Latter-day Saint men to the courthouse on charges stemming from their alleged roles in the October 1838 operations in .
On 10 November 1838, asked of the fifth judicial circuit to preside at a criminal court of inquiry in . From 12 to 29 November, Judge King evaluated testimony that the prisoners had committed treason and other crimes during the October 1838 conflict. A charge of treason, which is legally defined as “levying war” against the (or a state) or “giving aid” to its enemies, can be established only if two witnesses testify of the same “overt act” or the defendant confesses to the crime in court. Forty-two witnesses, many of whom were disaffected church members, testified for the prosecution, which contended that JS and other church leaders had begun planning an insurrection against the state of as early as spring 1838, with the implementation starting that fall. Former Danite general was the prosecution’s key witness. Although the prisoners submitted the names of dozens of potential defense witnesses, ultimately only seven testified, largely because of the intimidation of court officials. During the course of the proceedings, eleven more Latter-day Saint men were charged, bringing the total to sixty-four defendants. The defendants later alleged that the hearing was significantly marred by procedural and substantive problems.
At the conclusion of the hearing, ruled there was probable cause to believe that JS, , , , and had committed treason in during the conflict and that had committed the same offense in . As treason was a nonbailable offense and neither Daviess nor Caldwell county had a jail, these men were confined in the in to await a spring trial. The judge also ruled there was probable cause to believe that and four other Latter-day Saint men had participated in the murder of Moses Rowland in the skirmish; because murder was also nonbailable, King committed these prisoners to the jail to await trial. Finally, King found probable cause to believe that twenty-four other defendants had committed arson, burglary, robbery, and larceny. The judge admitted them to bail on the condition that they appear before the Circuit Court during the spring term. The remaining prisoners were discharged for lack of evidence.
On 1 December 1838, JS and his companions arrived in , the seat of , and were incarcerated in the county , an imposing edifice with four-foot-thick walls made of limestone and oak. The jail had only one entrance: double iron doors at the landing of a short flight of stairs. The doors opened to a room containing two windows, each with vertical iron bars preventing entrance or escape. A trapdoor in the floor opened into the jail’s dungeon, a 14- by 14½-foot space that was 6½ feet from stone floor to ceiling. Two windows, 2 feet wide and 6 inches high, with a heavy iron bar running horizontally through each, provided the only natural light. The prisoners were guarded by Clay County sheriff and jailer Samuel Hadley and his deputy, Samuel Tillery. Through the winter of 1838–1839, the prisoners slept on dirty straw mattresses and subsisted on a coarse diet. However, the prisoners spent some of their time in the upper story of the jail, eating meals and meeting with visitors. , for example, visited JS in the jail three times before she departed from the . In addition, they were occasionally permitted to leave the jailhouse under supervision of a guard.
The main body of the church endured the winter in . On 10 December 1838, and other church leaders wrote an extensive petition to the legislature, providing the Saints’ perspective on the recent conflict and requesting that the legislature rescind ’s expulsion order. While acknowledging that some church members were guilty of unlawful behavior, especially during the October “difficulties in ,” the petitioners argued that such crimes should be understood in the context of past wrongs inflicted on the Saints. Partridge and the others also queried why the Saints were charged with crimes when not one vigilante was arrested for the murders committed at . In early 1839, it became apparent that the legislature would not intervene on behalf of the Saints; consequently, church leaders in organized the evacuation of the eight to ten thousand Latter-day Saints living in Missouri. Faced with insufficient supplies, inclement weather, and disease, many church members suffered considerably during the journey of nearly two hundred miles to , Illinois, a town along the . The residents of Quincy welcomed the Latter-day Saint refugees, providing food, shelter, and work. During this mass migration, there was little to no correspondence between the body of the church and the prisoners left behind in Missouri.
Eager to join the Saints leaving , the prisoners pursued various options to obtain their freedom. In late January 1839, the prisoners petitioned the court for habeas corpus, a legal remedy that permitted incarcerated individuals to challenge their imprisonment; the court granted the petition. At the hearing held on 22 January 1839 to evaluate the reasons for the prisoners’ detention, Clay County justice reviewed the testimony from the November 1838 hearing before , listened to statements from the prisoners, and heard arguments from prosecution attorney William Wood and defense attorneys and Peter Burnett; Turnham apparently did not permit additional witnesses to testify for the defendants. He released on bail but remanded JS and the other prisoners to jail. After this setback, the prisoners tried to escape. While receiving visitors in the jail’s upper room on 7 February, attempted to force his way out through the exterior doors. The jailer and guards quickly apprehended Hyrum and the other prisoners who tried to follow him. In early March, the prisoners endeavored to escape by digging through the wooden inner wall of the dungeon. However, before they could remove the outer limestone block, the handles of their augers broke; they sought outside assistance, and their plan was discovered. With the failure of this second escape attempt, the prisoners again pursued legal remedies. In mid-March, the men prepared petitions for writs of habeas corpus. The justices of the Supreme Court refused the petitions, despite expressing sympathy for the imprisoned Saints.
Although physically separated from the main body of the church, JS maintained family ties and directed church affairs through letters. During his time in state custody, he wrote at least five letters to his wife , expressing his love and affection for her and their children. These missives are rare examples of JS’s surviving holographic letters. One letter from Emma to JS is extant. In addition to personal missives, JS wrote more formal letters to church leaders and the Saints at large, providing leadership at a time when the church community was seriously threatened. In late March, JS dictated two lengthy general epistles to church members in and elsewhere, offering insight into the meaning of the Saints’ recent persecutions, reflections on past missteps, and guidance on reestablishing church communities. Portions of these epistles were presented in the voice of Deity in a manner similar to that in JS’s revelations. Two of the revelation-like sections addressed the significance of suffering and promised that JS and the Saints would be divinely vindicated. Another section contained counsel on the righteous use of power. When composing these more formal letters, JS relied on his fellow prisoners to act as scribes. served as the primary scribe for the two general epistles, with assisting. JS reviewed and made corrections to both of these epistles.
JS preferred correspondence to be transmitted to and from the by couriers rather than through the postal service. The identities of only a handful of couriers have been preserved, but presumably most were church members or other trusted individuals. When the main body of the church was in , the couriers would have traversed the approximately forty miles between and , which probably took a day or two. As church members relocated to , the couriers would have traveled the approximately two hundred miles between Liberty and , a distance probably covered in about a week.
On 6 April, the prisoners and their guards departed the for , where they were scheduled to appear at a session of the Circuit Court. Around 10 April, a grand jury indicted JS and several other Saints for treason and other crimes allegedly committed during the previous summer and fall. The court then granted the prisoners a change of venue from Daviess County to , where they believed their chances for a fair trial would be better. The prisoners may also have believed they could escape from custody en route to their new destination. The prisoners did just that on 16 April 1839, evidently with the guards’ complicity, and made their way to , arriving on 22 April. Prior to learning of the escape, several church members in wrote to JS, apparently in response to the general epistles he sent in late March. Knowing that the prisoners had been moved from and that they would probably receive a change of venue, the Saints may not have sent these letters to , preferring to wait for additional information on JS’s whereabouts.
Correspondence between JS and the Saints, as well as legal documents produced during his incarceration, compose the majority of documents in part 3. Also included are financial and other documents that JS’s representatives produced on his behalf during this period. In , continued to manage JS’s financial affairs, while scribe issued priesthood . In , church worked with attorney to assess JS’s remaining debts.
  1. 1

    See Bill of Damages, 4 June 1839; “The Mormons in Carroll County,” Missouri Republican (St. Louis), 18 Aug. 1838, [2]; Alexander Doniphan, “Camp at Grand River,” MO, to David R. Atchison, Richmond, MO, 15 Sept. 1838, copy; David R. Atchison, Boonville, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, Jefferson City, MO, 5 Oct. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; and Murdock, Journal, Oct. 1838, 100–102.

    Missouri Republican. St. Louis. 1822–1919.

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

    Murdock, John. Journal, ca. 1830–1859. John Murdock, Journal and Autobiography, ca. 1830–1867. CHL. MS 1194, fd. 2.

  2. 2

    Latter-day Saint Morris Phelps recalled that two women died during the move—“one by the infirmity of old age the other in child birth.” Contemporary accounts do not give the women’s names; however, later sources identify the elderly woman’s surname as Downey and the younger woman’s surname as Jensen. (Phelps, Reminiscences, [8]; Isaac Leany, Affidavit, Quincy, IL, 20 Apr. 1839, photocopy, Material relating to Mormon Expulsion from Missouri, 1839–1843, CHL; Daniel Avery, Affidavit, Lee Co., Iowa Territory, 5 Mar. 1840, Mormon Redress Petitions, 1839–1845, CHL; Judd, “Reminiscences of Zadoc Knapp Judd,” 7; History of the Church, 3:159.)

    Phelps, Morris. Reminiscences, no date. CHL. MS 271.

    Material Relating to Mormon Expulsion from Missouri, 1839–1843. Photocopy. CHL. MS 2145.

    Mormon Redress Petitions, 1839–1845. CHL. MS 2703.

    Judd, Zadoc Knapp. “Reminiscences of Zadoc Knapp Judd,” 1902. Typescript. Mary F. Johnson Collection, 1878–1966. CHL.

    History of the Church / Smith, Joseph, et al. History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Edited by B. H. Roberts. Salt Lake City: Deseret News, 1902–1912 (vols. 1–6), 1932 (vol. 7).

  3. 3

    See Rockwood, Journal, 19 Oct. 1838; and Foote, Autobiography, 21 Oct. 1838, 30.

    Rockwood, Albert Perry. Journal Entries, Oct. 1838–Jan. 1839. Photocopy. CHL. MS 2606.

    Foote, Warren. Autobiography, not before 1903. Warren Foote, Papers, 1837–1941. CHL. MS 1123, fd. 1.

  4. 4

    Corrill, Brief History, 35–38; Lyman Wight, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, pp. 16–19, Nauvoo, IL, Records, CHL; John Smith, Journal, 16–18 Oct. 1838; Historical Introduction to Agreement with Jacob Stollings, 12 Apr. 1839; see also Baugh, “Call to Arms,” 190–206. When Jacob Stollings’s store in Gallatin was burned, so were records belonging to the post office and treasurer’s office, both of which were housed in the store. While there is no evidence that the Saints targeted the records, reports of the arson quickly circulated. (Patrick Lynch, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [113], State of Missouri v. JS et al. for Treason and Other Crimes [Mo. 5th Jud. Cir. 1838], in State of Missouri, “Evidence”; Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde, Richmond, MO, to Lewis Abbott and Ann Marsh Abbott, Far West, MO, 25–30 Oct. 1838, in JS Letterbook 2, p. 18.)

    Nauvoo, IL. Records, 1841–1845. CHL. MS 16800.

    Smith, John (1781-1854). Journal, 1833–1841. John Smith, Papers, 1833-1854. CHL. MS 1326, box 1.

    Baugh, Alexander L. “A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1996. Also available as A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri, Dissertations in Latter-day Saint History (Provo, UT: Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History; BYU Studies, 2000).

  5. 5

    This letter is apparently not extant. Sampson Avard claimed that JS and Sidney Rigdon exchanged several missives during the October 1838 expedition, but later witnesses described the contents of only one letter. Rigdon purportedly read the letter to about two hundred church members in Caldwell County. (Sampson Avard, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [6]; George M. Hinkle, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [44]–[45]; James C. Owens, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [48]; Nathaniel Carr, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [48]–[49], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)

  6. 6

    John Smith, Journal, 21–22 Oct. 1838.

    Smith, John (1781-1854). Journal, 1833–1841. John Smith, Papers, 1833-1854. CHL. MS 1326, box 1.

  7. 7

    Historian’s Office, JS History, Draft Notes, 22 Oct. 1838.

  8. 8

    Johnson, “A Life Review,” 37; see also Foote, Autobiography, 21 Oct. 1838, 30.

    Johnson, Benjamin Franklin. “A Life Review,” after 1893. Benjamin Franklin Johnson, Papers, 1852–1911. CHL. MS 1289 box 1, fd. 1.

    Foote, Warren. Autobiography, not before 1903. Warren Foote, Papers, 1837–1941. CHL. MS 1123, fd. 1.

  9. 9

    Bill of Damages, 4 June 1839; Letter to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838; Sidney Rigdon, JS, et al., Petition Draft [“To the Publick”], pp. 29[a]–[31b].

  10. 10

    Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde, Affidavit, Richmond, MO, 24 Oct. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA.

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

  11. 11

    William Peniston, Daviess Co., MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 21 Oct. 1838, copy; R. S. Mitchell et al., Richmond, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 23 Oct. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA.

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

  12. 12

    Rockwood, Journal, 22 Oct. 1838. Rigdon, who remained in Far West during the Daviess County military operations, organized the special companies on 20 October. Although the name Danite was still in use in October 1838, it is unclear how the small, secretive, oath-bound society founded in early summer 1838 was related to the large force that included all able-bodied Mormon men that fall. It is possible the Danite society became the special companies operating in the fall, with the senior leadership and overall structure changing during the transition. (Burr Riggs, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [76]–[77]; Addison Greene, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [110]; William W. Phelps, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [92]–[93], in State of Missouri, “Evidence”; Rockwood, Journal, 15 and 22–23 Oct. 1838; see also Shurtliff, Autobiography, 125, 131; and Call, Statement, Bountiful, Utah Territory, 30 Dec. 1885, CHL.)

    Rockwood, Albert Perry. Journal Entries, Oct. 1838–Jan. 1839. Photocopy. CHL. MS 2606.

    Shurtliff, Luman Andros. Autobiography and Journal, ca. 1852–1876. CHL. MS 1605.

    Call, Anson. Statement, Bountiful, Utah Territory, 30 Dec. 1885. CHL. MS 4875.

  13. 13

    See Sampson Avard, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [8]; George Walters, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [37]–[38]; George M. Hinkle, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [40]–[41], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.” It is unclear how the October “armies of Israel,” or “Danites,” related to the Caldwell County regiment of the state militia. Hinkle’s leadership in both organizations suggests there was some overlap between the two organizations. In late October 1838, Caldwell County judge Elias Higbee—who had served as the captain general of the Danites—ordered Hinkle to call out the Caldwell regiment “to defend the citizens against mobs.” However, Hinkle claimed that when he issued the call, his officers told him “they cared nothing for their commissions—that the organization of the Danite band had taken all power out of their hands.” (George M. Hinkle, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [40], in State of Missouri, “Evidence”; see also JS, Journal, 7–9 Aug. 1838, in JSP, J1:299.)

  14. 14

    David R. Atchison, Liberty, MO, to Samuel Bogart, 23 Oct. 1838, p. [26], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”

  15. 15

    Rockwood, Journal, 25 Oct. 1838; Charles C. Rich, Statement, ca. Feb. 1845, Historian’s Office, JS History Documents, 1839–1860, CHL; Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 35–36; Thorit Parsons, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [119], in State of Missouri, “Evidence”; Sidney Rigdon, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, p. [12], Nauvoo, IL, Records, CHL; Reed Peck, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839, p. 95, Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA; see also Baugh, “Call to Arms,” 218–252. The skirmish occurred in a six-mile by twenty-four-mile strip of unincorporated land known as the Buncombe Strip, which was “attached to Ray for Civil & Military purposes only.” (Sashel Woods and Joseph Dickson, Carrollton, MO, to John B. Clark, [ca. 25] Oct. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; Alexander Doniphan, Jefferson City, MO, to William W. Phelps, Shoal Creek, MO, 8 Jan. 1837, William W. Phelps, Collection of Missouri Documents, CHL; see also History of Caldwell and Livingston Counties, Missouri, 104–105.)

    Rockwood, Albert Perry. Journal Entries, Oct. 1838–Jan. 1839. Photocopy. CHL. MS 2606.

    Historian’s Office. Joseph Smith History Documents, 1839–1860. CHL. CR 100 396.

    Nauvoo, IL. Records, 1841–1845. CHL. MS 16800.

    Peck, Reed. Letter, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.

    Baugh, Alexander L. “A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1996. Also available as A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri, Dissertations in Latter-day Saint History (Provo, UT: Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History; BYU Studies, 2000).

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

    Phelps, William W. Collection of Missouri Documents, 1833–1837. CHL. MS 657.

    History of Caldwell and Livingston Counties, Missouri, Written and Compiled from the Most Authentic Official and Private Sources. . . . St. Louis: National Historical Co., 1886.

  16. 16

    Joseph Young and Jane Bicknell Young, Affidavit, ca. 1839, pp. [38b]–39[a]; David Lewis, Affidavit, ca. 1839, pp. [40c]–[40d], in Sidney Rigdon, JS, et al., Petition Draft [“To the Publick”]; Baugh, “Call to Arms,” chap. 9, appendixes I–J.

    Baugh, Alexander L. “A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1996. Also available as A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri, Dissertations in Latter-day Saint History (Provo, UT: Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History; BYU Studies, 2000).

  17. 17

    Amanda Barnes Smith, Affidavit, Quincy, IL, 18 Apr. 1839, Historian’s Office, JS History Documents, 1839–1860, CHL; see also Radke-Moss, “Mormon Women as Healers, Concealers, and Protectors,” 30–33.

    Historian’s Office. Joseph Smith History Documents, 1839–1860. CHL. CR 100 396.

    Radke-Moss, Andrea G. “‘I Hid [the Prophet] in a Corn Patch’: Mormon Women as Healers, Concealers, and Protectors in the 1838 Mormon-Missouri War.” Mormon Historical Studies 15, no. 1 (Spring 2014): 25–40.

  18. 18

    Lilburn W. Boggs, Jefferson City, MO, to John B. Clark, Fayette, MO, 27 Oct. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA. Noah Webster’s 1828 American Dictionary defines exterminate as “literally, to drive from within the limits or borders” but also “to destroy utterly.” Corrill feared that the militia would interpret Boggs’s order as “authority from the executive to exterminate, with orders to cut off our [the Saints’] retreat . . . [the] innocent as well as guilty; so of course there was no escape for any.” (“Exterminate,” in American Dictionary; Corrill, Brief History, 42.)

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

    An American Dictionary of the English Language: Intended to Exhibit, I. the Origin, Affinities and Primary Signification of English Words, as far as They Have Been Ascertained. . . . Edited by Noah Webster. New York: S. Converse, 1828.

  19. 19

    Samuel D. Lucas, “near Far West,” MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 Nov. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA. The other members of the delegation included John Corrill, Reed Peck, John Cleminson, and William W. Phelps, all previously trusted church leaders who had become critical of the Danites and the Saints’ October military operations in Daviess County. Accounts differ regarding whether Latter-day Saints Seymour Brunson and Arthur Morrison were part of the delegation. (Corrill, Brief History, 40–41; R. Peck to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839, pp. 104–111; George M. Hinkle, Buffalo, Iowa Territory, to William W. Phelps, Nauvoo, IL, 14 Aug. 1844, in Ensign, Aug. 1844, 30–32; Berrett, Sacred Places, 4:300–301.)

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

    Peck, Reed. Letter, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.

    Ensign. Buffalo, Iowa Territory. 1844–1845.

    Berrett, LaMar C., ed. Sacred Places: A Comprehensive Guide to Early LDS Historical Sites. 6 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1999–2007.

  20. 20

    Corrill, Brief History, 40–41; R. Peck to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839, p. 111.

    Peck, Reed. Letter, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.

  21. 21

    Lyman Wight, Journal, in History of the Reorganized Church, 2:260; Rockwood, Journal, 31 Oct. 1838; Brigham Young, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, p. 2, Nauvoo, IL, Records, CHL; Samuel D. Lucas, “near Far West,” MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 Nov. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; Bill of Damages, 4 June 1839. The men were likely arrested at least in part because of their leadership positions. Rigdon was a member of the First Presidency,a while Wight was a counselor in the presidency of the stake at Adam-ondi-Ahman and was considered by many Missourians to be the leader of the Latter-day Saints in Daviess County.b Robinson was clerk for the First Presidency,c and Pratt was an apostle who participated in the skirmish at Crooked River.d

    The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.

    Rockwood, Albert Perry. Journal Entries, Oct. 1838–Jan. 1839. Photocopy. CHL. MS 2606.

    Nauvoo, IL. Records, 1841–1845. CHL. MS 16800.

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

  22. 22

    Samuel D. Lucas, “near Far West,” MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 Nov. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA.

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

  23. 23

    See Letter to Emma Smith, 4 Nov. 1838; Letter to the Church in Caldwell Co., MO, 16 Dec. 1838; and Petition to George Tompkins, between 9 and 15 Mar. 1839.

  24. 24

    George M. Hinkle, Buffalo, Iowa Territory, to William W. Phelps, Nauvoo, IL, 14 Aug. 1844, in Ensign, Aug. 1844, 30–32. Similarly, after Corrill and Peck left the church, they defended their role in the negotiations, arguing that JS fully understood Lucas’s demands. (Corrill, Brief History, 41; R. Peck to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839, pp. 115–116.)

    Ensign. Buffalo, Iowa Territory. 1844–1845.

    Peck, Reed. Letter, Quincy, IL, to “Dear Friends,” 18 Sept. 1839. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA.

  25. 25

    Lyman Wight, Journal, in History of the Reorganized Church, 2:260; Hyrum Smith, Commerce, IL, to “the Saints Scattered Abroad,” Dec. 1839, in Times and Seasons, Dec. 1839, 1:21. Hyrum Smith was a member of the First Presidency, while Amasa Lyman was captain of a company of Mormon scouts sent to patrol the southern border of Caldwell County; at least one of the scouts was captured by Captain Samuel Bogart’s Ray County militiamen just before the Crooked River battle. (Minutes, 7 Nov. 1837; Amasa Lyman, Affidavit, in [Rigdon], Appeal to the American People, 84; Addison Greene, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [110], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)

    The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.

    Times and Seasons. Commerce/Nauvoo, IL. Nov. 1839–Feb. 1846.

  26. 26

    Lyman Wight, Journal, in History of the Reorganized Church, 2:260–261; Eliza R. Snow, Caldwell Co., MO, to Isaac Streator, Streetsborough, OH, 22 Feb. 1839, photocopy, CHL; Hyrum Smith, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, pp. 23–25, Nauvoo, IL, Records, CHL; see also Baugh, “Call to Arms,” 336–339.

    The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.

    Snow, Eliza R. Letter, Caldwell Co., MO, to Isaac Streator, Streetsborough, OH, 22 Feb. 1839. Photocopy. CHL. MS 9108.

    Nauvoo, IL. Records, 1841–1845. CHL. MS 16800.

    Baugh, Alexander L. “A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1996. Also available as A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri, Dissertations in Latter-day Saint History (Provo, UT: Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History; BYU Studies, 2000).

  27. 27

    See Baugh, “Call to Arms,” 359–368. During November 1838, the militia confined church members to Caldwell and Daviess counties, impeding the Saints from claiming their lands at the land office in Lexington, Lafayette County, during the period allotted under the preemption law. Consequently, other Missourians—many of whom participated in the conflict—claimed the Saints’ lands. (See Walker, “Mormon Land Rights,” 32–46.)

    Baugh, Alexander L. “A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri.” PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1996. Also available as A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri, Dissertations in Latter-day Saint History (Provo, UT: Joseph Fielding Smith Institute for Latter-day Saint History; BYU Studies, 2000).

    Walker, Jeffrey N. “Mormon Land Rights in Caldwell and Daviess Counties and the Mormon Conflict of 1838: New Findings and New Understandings.” BYU Studies 47, no. 1 (2008): 4–55.

  28. 28

    See Kimball, “History,” 88; Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 41; and T. B. Foote, Nephi, Utah Territory, to Editor of the Deseret News, 28 May 1868, Historian’s Office Correspondence Files, CHL.

    Kimball, Heber C. “History of Heber Chase Kimball by His Own Dictation,” ca. 1842–1856. Heber C. Kimball, Papers, 1837–1866. CHL. MS 627, box 2.

    Historian’s Office. Correspondence Files, 1856–1926. CHL.

  29. 29

    See Declaration to the Clay County Circuit Court, ca. 6 Mar. 1839.

  30. 30

    American Slavery as It Is, 191–192; Murdock, Journal, 29 Oct. 1838, 103–104; Hyrum Smith, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, pp. 13, 24, Nauvoo, IL, Records, CHL; see also Radke-Moss, “Beyond Petticoats and Poultices.”

    American Slavery as It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses. New York: American Anti- Slavery Society, 1839.

    Murdock, John. Journal, ca. 1830–1859. John Murdock, Journal and Autobiography, ca. 1830–1867. CHL. MS 1194, fd. 2.

    Nauvoo, IL. Records, 1841–1845. CHL. MS 16800.

    Radke-Moss, Andrea G. “Beyond Petticoats and Poultices.” Paper presented at annual Church History Symposium, Provo, UT, 3 Mar. 2016. Copy in editors’ possession.

  31. 31

    Greene, Facts relative to the Expulsion, 14; Hyrum Smith, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, pp. 9–10, Nauvoo, IL, Records, CHL.

    Greene, John P. Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons or Latter Day Saints, from the State of Missouri, under the “Exterminating Order.” By John P. Greene, an Authorized Representative of the Mormons. Cincinnati: R. P. Brooks, 1839.

    Nauvoo, IL. Records, 1841–1845. CHL. MS 16800.

  32. 32

    John B. Clark, Jefferson City, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 29 Nov. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; “Letter from the Editor,” Missouri Republican (St. Louis), 7 Dec. 1838, [2]; see also Rockwood, Journal, 11 Nov. 1838.

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

    Missouri Republican. St. Louis. 1822–1919.

    Rockwood, Albert Perry. Journal Entries, Oct. 1838–Jan. 1839. Photocopy. CHL. MS 2606.

  33. 33

    See, for example, Letter to Emma Smith, 4 Nov. 1838; Letter to Edward Partridge and the Church, ca. 22 Mar. 1839; and Letter from Alanson Ripley, 10 Apr. 1839; see also Grua, “Memoirs of the Persecuted,” chap. 1.

    Grua, David W. “Memoirs of the Persecuted: Persecution, Memory, and the West as a Mormon Refuge.” Master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 2008.

  34. 34

    See Bill of Damages, 4 June 1839; and Letter to Edward Partridge and the Church, ca. 22 Mar. 1839.

  35. 35

    Samuel D. Lucas, “near Far West,” MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 Nov. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; Parley P. Pratt, Independence, MO, to Mary Ann Frost Pratt, Far West, MO, 4 Nov. 1838, Parley P. Pratt, Letters, CHL; Lyman Wight, Journal, in History of the Reorganized Church, 2:295–296; Historical Introduction to Receipt from William Collins, 8 Feb. 1839.

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

    Pratt, Parley P. Letters, 1838–1839. CHL. MS 5828.

    The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.

  36. 36

    Lilburn W. Boggs, Jefferson City, MO, to John B. Clark, 1 Nov. 1838, copy; Lilburn W. Boggs, Jefferson City, MO, to John B. Clark, 6 Nov. 1838, copy; Samuel D. Lucas, Independence, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 7 Nov. 1838, copy; John B. Clark, Richmond, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 10 Nov. 1838, copy; John B. Clark, Jefferson City, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 29 Nov. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; Lyman Wight, Journal, in History of the Reorganized Church, 2:296–297; Sidney Rigdon, JS, et al., Petition Draft (“To the Publick”), p. 44[a].

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

    The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.

  37. 37

    Clark arrived in Far West on 4 November 1838, intent on identifying Latter-day Saints who participated in the recent military operations in Daviess County and who could be charged with crimes. The major general’s key informant was Avard, a former Danite leader, who agreed to provide names and testify for the state in exchange for immunity from prosecution. At the conclusion of Clark’s investigation in Far West, he detained forty-six Latter-day Saints and brought them to Richmond on 9 November—the same day JS and his companions arrived from Independence. (John B. Clark, Richmond, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 10 Nov. 1838, copy; John B. Clark, Jefferson City, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 29 Nov. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; see also Berrett, Sacred Places, 4:243–249.)

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

    Berrett, LaMar C., ed. Sacred Places: A Comprehensive Guide to Early LDS Historical Sites. 6 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1999–2007.

  38. 38

    John B. Clark, Richmond, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 10 Nov. 1838, copy; John B. Clark, Jefferson City, MO, to Lilburn W. Boggs, 29 Nov. 1838, copy, Mormon War Papers, MSA; see also Madsen, “Joseph Smith and the Missouri Court of Inquiry,” 93–136.

    Mormon War Papers, 1838–1841. MSA.

    Madsen, Gordon A. “Joseph Smith and the Missouri Court of Inquiry: Austin A. King’s Quest for Hostages.” BYU Studies 43, no. 4 (2004): 93–136.

  39. 39

    If convicted of treason against the state, the penalty was death or incarceration in the “penitentiary for a period not less than ten years.” (See U.S. Constitution, art. 3, sec. 3; Missouri Constitution of 1820, art. 13, sec. 15; An Act concerning Crimes and Their Punishments [20 Mar. 1835], Revised Statutes of the State of Missouri [1835], p. 166, art. 1, sec. 1; and Madsen, “Joseph Smith and the Missouri Court of Inquiry,” 93–136.)

    The Revised Statutes of the State of Missouri, Revised and Digested by the Eighth General Assembly during the Years One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-Four, and One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-Five. . . . St. Louis: Argus Office, 1835.

    Madsen, Gordon A. “Joseph Smith and the Missouri Court of Inquiry: Austin A. King’s Quest for Hostages.” BYU Studies 43, no. 4 (2004): 93–136.

  40. 40

    Witnesses for the prosecution included Sampson Avard, Charles Blackley, Samuel Bogart, Elisha Cameron, Nathaniel Carr, John Cleminson, James Cobb, Asa Cook, John Corrill, Wyatt Cravens, Freeburn Gardner, Addison Greene, George M. Hinkle, Andrew Job, Jesse Kelley, Samuel Kimble, Timothy Lewis, John Lockhart, Patrick Lynch, Joseph McGee, Jeremiah Myers, Nehemiah Odle, Thomas Odle, James Owens, Reed Peck, Morris Phelps, William W. Phelps, Addison Price, John Raglin, Allen Rathburn, Burr Riggs, Abner Scovil, Benjamin Slade, Robert Snodgrass, William Splawn, John Taylor, James Turner, George Walters, John Whitmer, Ezra Williams, George Worthington, and Porter Yale. (Testimonies, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [2]–[113], [122]–[123], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)

  41. 41

    Hyrum Smith later stated that, per King’s instructions, the prisoners identified sixty potential defense witnesses. Although the judge apparently subpoenaed these individuals, only the following seven testified for the defense: Jonathan Barlow, Ezra Chipman, Arza Judd Jr., Thorit Parsons, Delia Pine, Malinda Porter, and Nancy Rigdon. Multiple Latter-day Saints described officers of the court harassing potential witnesses or not permitting them to testify. (Hyrum Smith, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, pp. 18–19; George Pitkin, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, pp. 1–2, Nauvoo, IL, Records, CHL; Murdock, Journal, Nov. 1838, 105–106; Malinda Porter, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [115]; Delia F. Pine, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [116]–[117]; Nancy Rigdon, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [117]–[118]; Jonathan Barlow, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [118]–[119]; Thorit Parsons, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [119]–[120]; Ezra Chipman, Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [120]–[121]; Arza Judd Jr., Testimony, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [121], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)

    Nauvoo, IL. Records, 1841–1845. CHL. MS 16800.

    Murdock, John. Journal, ca. 1830–1859. John Murdock, Journal and Autobiography, ca. 1830–1867. CHL. MS 1194, fd. 2.

  42. 42

    The eleven men were Samuel Bent, Ebenezer Brown, Jonathan Dunham, King Follett, Clark Hallett, Sylvester Hewlett, Joel Miles, James Newberry, Morris Phelps, James Rollins, and William Wightman. (Trial Proceedings, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [1]–[2], [34], [61], [70], [100], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)

  43. 43

    Petition to George Tompkins, between 9 and 15 Mar. 1839; see also Madsen, “Joseph Smith and the Missouri Court of Inquiry,” 93–136.

    Madsen, Gordon A. “Joseph Smith and the Missouri Court of Inquiry: Austin A. King’s Quest for Hostages.” BYU Studies 43, no. 4 (2004): 93–136.

  44. 44

    Ruling, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, p. [124], in State of Missouri, “Evidence”; An Act to Regulate Proceedings in Criminal Cases [21 Mar. 1835], Revised Statutes of the State of Missouri [1835], p. 475, art. 2, sec. 8; Mittimus, Richmond, MO, 29 Nov. 1838, State of Missouri v. JS et al. for Treason and Other Crimes (Mo. 5th Jud. Cir. 1838), JS Collection, CHL.

    The Revised Statutes of the State of Missouri, Revised and Digested by the Eighth General Assembly during the Years One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-Four, and One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-Five. . . . St. Louis: Argus Office, 1835.

  45. 45

    King ruled there was probable cause to believe that Pratt, Darwin Chase, Luman Gibbs, Morris Phelps, and Norman Shearer had committed murder. (Ruling, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [124]–[125], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)

  46. 46

    The following prisoners were admitted to bail: Samuel Bent, Daniel Carn, Jonathan Dunham, Jacob Gates, George Grant, Clark Hallett, James Henderson, Francis M. Higbee, John Higbee, Jesse Hunter, George Kimball, Joel Miles, Ebenezer Page, Edward Partridge, David Pettegrew, Thomas Rich, Alanson Ripley, Ebenezer Robinson, George W. Robinson, James Rollins, Sidney Turner, Washington Voorhees, William Wightman, and Joseph Younger. (Trial Proceedings, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [125]–[126], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)

  47. 47

    These men included Martin Allred, William Allred, Ebenezer Brown, John Buchanan, Moses Clawson, Benjamin Covey, Sheffield Daniels, John Earl, Elisha Edwards, King Follett, David Frampton, George W. Harris, Anthony Head, Chandler Holbrook, Sylvester Hulet, Benjamin Jones, Amasa Lyman, Silas Maynard, Isaac Morley, James Newberry, Elijah Newman, Zedekiah Owens, Daniel Shearer, Allen Stout, John Tanner, Daniel Thomas, Alvah Tippets, Andrew Whitlock, and Henry Zabrisky. (Trial Proceedings, Richmond, MO, Nov. 1838, pp. [108]–[109], [123], in State of Missouri, “Evidence.”)

  48. 48

    “Clay County, Missouri,” Historical Record, Dec. 1888, 7:670; “Liberty Jail,” Liahona, the Elders’ Journal, 18 Aug. 1914, 122; see also Jessee, “Prison Experience,” 25.

    The Historical Record, a Monthly Periodical, Devoted Exclusively to Historical, Biographical, Chronological and Statistical Matters. Salt Lake City. 1882–1890.

    “Liberty Jail.” Liahona, the Elders’ Journal 12, no. 8 (18 Aug. 1914): 122–123.

    Jessee, Dean C. “‘Walls, Grates and Screeking Iron Doors’: The Prison Experiences of Mormon Leaders in Missouri, 1838–1839.” In New Views of Mormon History: A Collection of Essays in Honor of Leonard J. Arrington, edited by Davis Bitton and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, 19–42. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987.

  49. 49

    Mittimus, Richmond, MO, 29 Nov. 1838, State of Missouri v. JS et al. for Treason and Other Crimes (Mo. 5th Jud. Cir. 1838), JS Collection, CHL; Woodson, History of Clay County, Missouri, 333.

    Woodson, W. H. History of Clay County, Missouri. Topeka, KS: Historical Publishing, 1920.

  50. 50

    See Letter to Isaac Galland, 22 Mar. 1839; and Bill of Damages, 4 June 1839.

  51. 51

    Alexander McRae, “Incidents in the History of Joseph Smith,” Deseret News, 2 Nov. 1854, [1]; George A. Smith, Autobiography, 123–125; see also Jessee, “Prison Experience,” 26.

    Deseret News. Salt Lake City. 1850–.

    Smith, George A. Autobiography, ca. 1860–1882. George Albert Smith, Papers, 1834–1877. CHL. MS 1322, box 1, fd. 2.

    Jessee, Dean C. “‘Walls, Grates and Screeking Iron Doors’: The Prison Experiences of Mormon Leaders in Missouri, 1838–1839.” In New Views of Mormon History: A Collection of Essays in Honor of Leonard J. Arrington, edited by Davis Bitton and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, 19–42. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987.

  52. 52

    See History of the Reorganized Church, 2:309, 315.

    The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.

  53. 53

    William T. Wood, “Mormon Memoirs,” Liberty [MO] Tribune, 9 Apr. 1886, [1]; Andrew Jenson et al., “Liberty Jail,” Deseret News, 3 Oct. 1888, 608.

    Liberty Tribune. Liberty, MO. 1860–.

    Deseret News. Salt Lake City. 1850–.

  54. 54

    Edward Partridge et al., Petition, Far West, MO, to the Missouri State Legislature, 10 Dec. 1838, copy, Edward Partridge, Papers, CHL.

    Edward Partridge, Papers, 1818–1839. CHL. MS 892.

  55. 55

    The legislature briefly considered the petition but chose not to take action. (See Journal, of the House of Representatives, of the State of Missouri, 19 Dec. 1838, 128; and Gentry and Compton, Fire and Sword, 460–461.)

    Journal, of the House of Representatives, of the State of Missouri, at the First Session of the Tenth General Assembly, Begun and Held at the City of Jefferson, on Monday, the Nineteenth Day of November, in the Year of Our Lord, One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-Eight. Jefferson City, MO: Calvin Gunn, 1839.

    Gentry, Leland Homer, and Todd M. Compton. Fire and Sword: A History of the Latter-day Saints in Northern Missouri, 1836–39. Salt Lake City: Greg Kofford Books, 2011.

  56. 56

    Eliza R. Snow, Caldwell Co., MO, to Isaac Streator, Streetsborough, OH, 22 Feb. 1839, photocopy, CHL; Elias Smith, Far West, MO, to Ira Smith, East Stockholm, NY, 11 Mar. 1839, Elias Smith Correspondence, CHL; Heber C. Kimball, Far West, MO, to Joseph Fielding, Preston, England, 12 Mar. 1839, in Compilation of Heber C. Kimball Correspondence, CHL; see also LeSueur, 1838 Mormon War in Missouri, 29, 35–36; and Leonard, Nauvoo, 31, 671–672n33.

    Snow, Eliza R. Letter, Caldwell Co., MO, to Isaac Streator, Streetsborough, OH, 22 Feb. 1839. Photocopy. CHL. MS 9108.

    Smith, Elias. Correspondence, 1834–1839. In Elias Smith, Papers, 1834–1846. CHL.

    Heber C. Kimball Family Organization. Compilation of Heber C. Kimball Correspondence, 1983. Unpublished typescript. CHL.

    LeSueur, Stephen C. The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1987.

    Leonard, Glen M. Nauvoo: A Place of Peace, a People of Promise. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book; Provo, UT: Brigham Young University Press, 2002.

  57. 57

    See Hartley, “Winter Exodus from Missouri,” 6–40; and Bennett, “Study of the Mormons in Quincy,” 83–105.

    Hartley, William G. “‘Almost Too Intolerable a Burthen’: The Winter Exodus from Missouri, 1838–39.” Journal of Mormon History 18 (Fall 1992): 6–40.

    Bennett, Richard E. “‘Quincy the Home of Our Adoption’: A Study of the Mormons in Quincy, Illinois, 1838–1840.” In A City of Refuge: Quincy, Illinois, edited by Susan Easton Black and Richard E. Bennett, 83–105. Salt Lake City: Millennial Press, 2000.

  58. 58

    None of the documents from this hearing are extant. (See Sidney Rigdon, Testimony, Nauvoo, IL, 1 July 1843, pp. [22]–[24], Nauvoo, IL, Records, CHL; Burnett, Recollections and Opinions, 53–55; History of the Reorganized Church, 2:315–316; Letter to Isaac Galland, 22 Mar. 1839; and Bill of Damages, 4 June 1839.)

    Nauvoo, IL. Records, 1841–1845. CHL. MS 16800.

    Burnett, Peter H. Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer. New York: D. Appleton, 1880.

    The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.

  59. 59

    Samuel Tillery, Testimony, Liberty, MO, 11 Feb. 1839, State of Missouri v. Ripley et al. (J.P. Ct. 1839), Clay County Archives and Historical Library, Liberty, MO; Alexander McRae, “Incidents in the History of Joseph Smith,” Deseret News, 2 Nov. 1854, [1]; History of the Reorganized Church, 2:316.

    State of Missouri v. Ripley et al. / State of Missouri v. Alanson Ripley, Jonathan Barlow, William D. Huntington, David Holman, and Erastus Snow (J.P. Ct. 1839). Clay County Archives and Historical Library, Liberty, MO.

    Deseret News. Salt Lake City. 1850–.

    The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.

  60. 60

    Hyrum Smith described the early March 1839 escape attempt thus: “We made a hole through the logs in the lower room & through the stone wall all but the out side stone which was suffitiently large to pass out when it was pushed out but we were hindred for want of handles to the augurs[.] the logs were so hard that the handles would split & we had to make new ones with our fire wood[.] we had to bore the hole for the shank with my penknife which delayed time in spite of all we could do.” According to Lyman Wight, the prisoners reached out to a man named Shoemaker, who “felt so tickled to think that he was our assistant that he made a confidant of Doctor Moss. The thing leaked out, and there were ten guards called for.” (Hyrum Smith, Liberty, MO, to Mary Fielding Smith, Quincy, IL, 16 Mar. 1839, Mary Fielding Smith, Collection, CHL; Lyman Wight, Journal, in History of the Reorganized Church, 2:317; Letter to the Church and Edward Partridge, 20 Mar. 1839.)

    Smith, Mary Fielding. Collection, ca. 1832–1848. CHL. MS 2779.

    The History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. 8 vols. Independence, MO: Herald Publishing House, 1896–1976.

  61. 61

    See Historical Introduction to Petition to George Tompkins, between 9 and 15 Mar. 1839.

  62. 62

    As JS explained in a May 1834 letter to Emma Smith, he saw writing to her “with [his] own hand” as fulfilling part of his “dut[i]es of a Husband and Father,” a sentiment that reflected nineteenth-century cultural assumptions about handwriting and intimacy. (Letter to Emma Smith, 18 May 1834; Thornton, Handwriting in America, 81.)

    Thornton, Tamara Plakins. Handwriting in America: A Cultural History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1996.

  63. 63

    Only JS’s final missive to Emma, written just before his early April 1839 departure from the jail, was sent to Illinois through the postal system. (See Letter to Emma Smith, 4 Apr. 1839.)

  64. 64

    The grand jury hearing was held approximately one mile southeast of Gallatin proper, on the property of Elisha B. Creekmore, since Daviess County lacked a courthouse. (See Leopard et al., History of Daviess and Gentry Counties, 75; and Berrett, Sacred Places, 4:485.)

    Leopard, John C., Buel Leopard, R. M. McCammon, and Mary McCammon Hillman. History of Daviess and Gentry Counties, Missouri. Topeka, KS: Historical Publishing Co., 1922.

    Berrett, LaMar C., ed. Sacred Places: A Comprehensive Guide to Early LDS Historical Sites. 6 vols. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1999–2007.

  65. 65

    Hyrum Smith, Diary, 6–16 Apr. 1839; Historical Introduction to Promissory Note to John Brassfield, 16 Apr. 1839.

    Smith, Hyrum. Diary, Mar.–Apr. 1839, Oct. 1840. CHL. MS 2945.

  66. 66

    See Receipt from Sarah Burt Beman, 26 Jan. 1839; and License for Gardner Snow, 19 Jan. 1839.

  67. 67

    See Statement of Account from Hitchcock & Wilder, between 9 July and 6 Nov. 1838.

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